Published
simultaneously in Maldives
Culture
in September 2001
In September 2001 we predicted
that the then much-heralded constitution of the Maldives was
doomed to fail. |
"A
structure built on loose sand"
-by a barrister and solicitor
of the High Court of New Zealand-
Loose sand
|
Introduction
"An
Englishman would say the President of the Republic of the Maldives
is Her Majesty the Queen, the Prime Minister, the First Lord of
the Admiralty, the Chief Constable, the Leader of Her Majesty’s
Opposition, the Chief Justice of England and Wales, the Speaker
of the House of Commons, the Lord Chancellor, the Head of the Church
of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York,
all rolled into one....."The
Constitution of the Republic
of Maldives that came into force in 1968 (and amended in 1970, 1972,
and 1975) has been repealed and replaced by a new Constitution assented
to by the President of the Republic on 27 November 1997. The new
Constitution came into force on 1 January 1998.
The
President of the Republic proclaimed in assenting to the Constitution
that it was written with a desire to encourage the people of the
country to live in friendship, amity and co-operation, and to encourage
good deeds and respect among one another and being just, and to
live in equality and fraternity. Hence, the Constitution was enacted
to enhance the prosperity of the country, the affluence and the
happiness of the people.
This
article looks at different dimensions of the Constitution and raises
some constitutional issues that may lead to an answer that "the
Constitution is a structure built on loose sand".
Fundamental Principles Constitutions
differ from laws in that the former emerge from fundamental principles
while the latter are derived from politics. Constitutions and laws
differ in the dimensions of time in which they operate. Constitutions
embody timeless principles while laws reflect the current political
atmosphere. It is from the principles set forth in a constitution
that laws are derived and subordinated. In a constitutional society,
its Constitution ought to be regarded as superior to laws, which
tend to evolve to accommodate social changes. A constitution should
promote fundamental principles that a society agrees ought to govern
the administration of state and guarantee individuals’ rights.
The
Constitution of the Maldives comprises of thirteen chapters on the
administration of state, two chapters that define general terms
and one chapter that deals with individuals’ rights. This article
will now examine two aspects of constitutionalism, the administration
of state, and individuals’ rights.
Administration of State
King Siri Kula
Sundhura Katthiri Bavana (Sultan Mohamed Shamsuddine III
Iskander), King of Twelve Thousand Isles and Sultan of
the Maldives, gave his royal assent to the first written
constitution in the Maldives on 22 December 1932
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According to Dana Dallas Atchison of Harvard University (in his
article on Constitutionalism for a 21st-century Russian President,
published in 16 Cardozo J. Int’l & Comp. L. 239) "a constitution
should also include a separation of powers with checks between the
branches. No country should depend upon the benevolence of one or
a few individuals for its success. Typically, power is divided among
the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary".
Article
4 of the Constitution of the Maldives provides that the powers of
the state comprise of the executive, the legislature, and the administration
of justice ("the judiciary") and those powers vest in
the citizens. This Article further provides that the executive power
vests in the President of the Republic and the cabinet ministers,
the legislative power vests in Parliament, and the judicial power
vests in the President of the Republic and the courts. In theory
the three powers are identified separately and they appear to be
independent of each other. However, those powers are, in effect,
administered collectively as a composite whole. To this effect,
Article 3 states
The
State of the Maldives shall, in accordance with this Constitution,
be the territory of the Maldives, the citizens of the Maldives and
the powers of the state as a composite whole.
Article
33 then designates the President of the Republic as the "head
of state" and "head of government". It is said:
The
President shall be the Head of State, Head of Government and the
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Police of the Maldives.
With
regard to the legislature, Articles 68(1) and 70(1) provide that
the speaker and the deputy speaker of Parliament shall be appointed
to and removed from office by the President of the Republic. Article
72 further states that there shall be three regular sessions of
Parliament every year. While the dates for the commencement and
conclusion of these sessions are to be determined by the speaker,
he is required to inform the President of the Republic before convening
and upon conclusion of each session. This Article also says that
an extra sitting of Parliament shall only be held when directed
by the President of the Republic.
In
respect of the judiciary, Articles 112(2) and 118(2) provides that
the chief justice and the judges of the High Court and the judges
of the lower courts shall be appointed by the President of the Republic,
and may be removed from their office at his own discretion pursuant
to Articles 117 and 123.
People's Majlis
or Parliament 1998 |
In
effect, the three powers that should have been separated constitutionally
are now considered as a composite whole and the President of the
Republic is empowered to dictate and invoke the three powers collectively.
I thus raise the question, are powers of the state vested in the
citizens as proclaimed in Article 4 of the Constitution, or are
they vested in the one individual, the President of the Republic?
In
addition to these fundamental aspects of the state administration,
there are numerous other powers vested in the President of the Republic,
and such powers include his supreme authority to propagate the tenets
of Islam in the Maldives (Article 38). According to the U.S. Department
of State (Maldives Country Report on Human Rights Practices for
1997, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labour, January 30, 1998):
the
Maldives has a parliamentary form of government with a very strong
executive. The President appoints the cabinet, members of the judiciary,
and one-sixth of the parliament. Political parties are officially
discouraged, and candidates for parliament run as individuals…The
Constitution does not provide for an independent judiciary. The
judiciary is subject to executive influence. In addition to his
authority to review High Court decisions, the President influences
the judiciary through his power to appoint and dismiss judges, all
of whom serve at his pleasure and are not subject to confirmation
by parliament…. The Constitution vests final authority for the propagation
of Islam in the President.
An
Englishman would say the President of the Republic of the Maldives
is Her Majesty the Queen, the Prime Minister, the First Lord of
the Admiralty, the Chief Constable, the Leader of Her Majesty’s
Opposition, the Chief Justice of England and Wales, the Speaker
of the House of Commons, the Lord Chancellor, the Head of the Church
of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York,
all rolled into one. I thus raise the question, are powers of the
state vested in the citizens as proclaimed in Article 4 of the Constitution,
or are they vested in the one individual, the President of the Republic?
Proclamation of the first written constitution in
Malè. The 1932 constitution allowed for a female
head of state and parliament was empowered to elect its
own speaker. The current 1998 constitution restricts the
presidency of the republic to a male and does not allow
parliament to elect its speaker or deputy speaker. The president
of the republic has to be a Muslim Maldivian man who is
not married to a foreign or dual citizen- a stark example
of the indigenous Maldive values being purged in favour
of those of the seventh century nomadic culture of Arabia.
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One
might argue that many countries that have " executive heads
of state" are not far removed from this situation. However,
it should be noted that in those countries that have " executive
heads of state" the "head of state" is only directly
responsible for the executive and not the legislature or the judiciary.
In the Westminster type of democracies there may be instances
where the executives and the legislatures fuse to some extent, but
even in those situations the judiciary is always kept independent
of the other two branches.
If
my argument were correct in that the powers of the state in the
Maldives vest in one person, namely the President of the Republic,
the prosperity of the country, the affluence and the happiness of
the people are totally dependent upon the benevolence of the President
of the Republic. While an incumbent President of the Republic may
be of an exalted moral character and excellence, his successors
may not be the same. Does that mean the Constitution warrants the
administration of the state powers by one individual at his own
discretion?
Individuals’ Rights
As earlier stated, a constitution
should guarantee individual rights. The inherent dignity and of the
equal and inalienable rights of all members of society is the foundation
of freedom, justice and peace in society. The Preamble to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights ("the Universal Declaration")
states that:
Whereas
disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous
acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent
of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and
belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the
highest aspiration of the common people.
Whereas
it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have resources,
as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that
human rights should be protected by the rule of law.
Order-in-Council of the King
Siri Kula Sundhura Katthiri Bavana, King of Twelve Thousand
Isles and Sultan of the Maldives to authorise the drafting
of the first written constitution of the Maldives, |
The
principles of jus cogens serve to ensure that human rights
are not infringed by any government by providing that at least some
human rights are so fundamental and inherent that an individual’s
right to them will supersede and invalidate any state act or treaty
that endeavours to ignore them. The Universal Declaration is not
culture-specific or country-specific. It is a universal law binding
on all human beings. There is no defence for not complying with
these universal norms. All human beings are born free and equal
in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience
and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Even
if one considers that the Universal Declaration is culture-specific
or country-specific, the Maldives is deemed to have acceded, de
facto, to the provisions of that Declaration by accepting admission
to the United Nations without any caveat. Hence the Constitution
should guarantee the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration.
Although
not quite consistent with the universal law, the current 1997 Constitution
of the Maldives deals with fundamental rights and duties of citizens
at a very general level. It provides for certain fundamental rights,
with ratchet clauses that those rights cannot be guaranteed "except
as provided by the law". For example, Article 15(c) states:
No
act detrimental to the life, liberty, body, name, reputation or
property of a person shall be committed except
as provided by law [emphasis added].
One
would expect such rights to be so fundamental that the Constitution
preserves them as guiding principles for lawmakers. One would expect
to see clauses such as "no one shall be subject to torture
or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment" and
"no one shall be subject to arbitrary arrest, detention or
exile" similar to those found in the Universal Declaration.
In the context of the Universal Declaration, the validity of the
restrictions placed on the individual rights under the Constitution
is another issue.
While
the ratchet clauses refer to laws, they do not mean only statutes
passed by the legislature, but is very broadly defined to include
Islamic canon law known as the Shari’ah and government practices.
Pursuant to Article 156, the definition of "law" for the
purposes of the Constitution means:
Acts
passed by the People’s Majlis and the People’s Special Majlis [Parliament]
and assented to by the President at any time prior to and after
the commencement of this Constitution and includes the regulations
made under such laws and practices of the
government. In this Constitution the world ‘law’ also includes
the norms and provisions of Shari’ah established by the Noble Quran
and the traditions of the Noble Prophet, and the rules derived therefrom
[emphasis added].
Hence
the Constitution is subject to the law including the regulations
and practices of the government. That effectively means that not
only are practices of government, whether or not they result in
barbarous acts which would outrage the conscience of mankind, are
protected by the Constitution but also the fundamental rights that
should have been protected are not guaranteed for the citizens.
I have deliberately referred to Article 15(c) as an example because
it encompasses a number of individual rights that can be abused
by subordinate legislation enacted by the Parliament or government
regulations and practices.
According
to the Amnesty International Reports from 1992-2001, the National
Security Service of the Maldives continues to detain several prisoners
of conscience and possible prisoners of conscience and conditions
of detention amounted to cruel,
inhuman and degrading treatment. The National
Security Service has an open warrant, as a matter of practice, for
arrest, search and seizure and to censor, intercept, read, listen
or to divulge all forms of private communications among the members
of the public, including letters, messages, telephone conversations,
electronic mail, data and so on.
While
the Constitution provides that these individual rights would not
be breached, it is subject to the laws passed by Parliament including
government practices and norms. So what is the position of the Constitution?
Does it promote fundamental principles that society agrees ought
to govern the administration of state and guarantee individual rights?
If the Constitution guarantees individual rights are they subordinate
to laws including government practices?
Conclusion The
above analysis raises two fundamental issues in respect of the new
Constitution of the Maldives. Firstly, I have raised an issue as
to whether or not the powers of the state vest in the public or
in the President of the Republic. Based on this analysis, I have
reached the view that the powers of the state vest in the President
of the Republic as opposed to the public. That means the prosperity
of the country, the affluence and the happiness of the people are
totally dependent upon the benevolence of one person. I then raised
a second issue as to whether or not individuals’ rights are guaranteed
by the Constitution or are they subject to subordinate laws including
practices of the government. My analysis indicates that the current
1997 Constitution is not superior to government practices.
It
is conclusive from my analysis that in the Maldives, the President
of the Republic is the supreme authority in respect of the executive,
the legislature, the judiciary, and the propagation of the only
recognised religion- Islam. While an incumbent President of the
Republic may be of an exalted moral character and excellence, his
successors may not be the same. As Dana Dallas Atchison said "no
country should depend upon the benevolence of one or a few individuals
for its success". A constitution of a country should be founded
on fundamental principles to govern the administration of state
and individuals’ rights. A constitution that lacks the fundamental
norms of these principles is likely to fall apart in the event of
socio-economic or political turmoil, like a sandcastle tumbling
down on a sandy beach. Does that mean the Constitution of the Maldives
is a structure built on loose sand? People who shoulder the responsibility
to take the Maldives into the 21st Century politics should
consider these important constitutional issues.
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