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The following is a synopsis
of the dissertation, its introduction, one of its concluding
sections and the table of contents. The entire dissertation
is available at the bottom of this page for downloading
or viewing. |
Synopsis
This dissertation examines the Maldivian government’s
claim that the Maldives has the right to remain 100% Muslim. It
is based on evidence gathered from Maldivian government sources,
victims of human rights abuses, reports of human rights- and news
agencies, recent cultural research and literature of contemporary
Muslim writers.
Chapter one introduces the discussion about the universality
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and relates
this to the Maldivian context. Chapter two portrays the Maldivian
government’s concerns and position on human rights issues.
Chapter three presents the research findings into potential human
rights violations mainly of Article 18 but also of Article 19
of the UDHR in the Maldives. Chapter four is a critique of the
Maldivian government’s position by using evidence from recent
cultural research and contemporary Islamic literature. Chapter
five identifies the implications of the findings of this research
for the Maldivian context, discusses the validity of cultural
relativism in relation to the UDHR and gives personal recommendations
for people involved in the reform process in the Maldives and
the wider community.
Overall this dissertation suggests that the Maldivian claim is
not legitimate and that the UDHR is based on a global ethic and
therefore universally relevant and applicable to all.
Introduction
It is generally acknowledged that the United Nations’
(UN) Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a mainly
western document dealing with western problems and circumstances.
Considering the fact that some of the governments signing the
Declaration in 1948 were colonising powers at that time, it is
not surprising that the UDHR focuses neither on community rights
nor explicitly demands a just economy and labour rights. In the
aftermath of the Second World War, the UDHR was mainly concerned
with the protection of individuals from oppressive governments,
hoping to avoid situations like that of the Third Reich.
With this in mind it is understandable that the UDHR has been
viewed suspiciously by governments and peoples who have not been
directly involved in its making. With the uprising of post-modernity
and cultural relativism the ‘universality’ of the
UDHR has been questioned not only by people, who felt excluded
mainly from the southern hemisphere, but also by others, like
western anthropologists. The UN responded to these demands by
further elaborating on the UDHR. Since 1948 there have been several
more UN agreements on Human Rights. With these agreements the
UN created tools that not only protect individuals from oppressive
states, but also states from colonial abuse; this means that human
rights concepts have become less individualistic and more inclusive.
Nevertheless, their universality is still questioned and Kofi
Annan, the Secretary General of the UN, acknowledges that the
principles of the UDHR are far from being implemented fully in
today’s society. He recently stated that “those great
documents expressed an optimistic vision, not a description of
existing realities.”
The editors of the book Culture and Rights identify several tensions
between rights and cultures: culture in the UN documents is seen
as having clear boundaries and being clearly defined, however
anthropologists today see cultures rather as changing and evolving.
Another tension is described as ‘rights versus culture’
where rights seem to undermine individual cultures. The opposite
is also possible namely when people understand the ‘right
to culture’ in ways that put certain cultural habits above
universal rights. The editors further point out that the whole
human rights scheme or apparatus has become a culture of its own.
In order to understand one’s right, or to demand one’s
right, one has to know this culture and act according to its rules.
Recommendation for Political
Reformers in the Maldives
The proposed political reforms from June 2004 have been welcomed
worldwide. Amnesty International affirms that some steps towards
the implementation of these reforms have already been taken but
still calls on the government “to ensure that human rights
are put at the heart of the reform processes.” The arbitrary
arrest and torture of peaceful political protestors in August
2004 caused serious concerns about the sincerity of the political
will for reform. Amnesty International and other organisations
have offered help in developing and implementing reforms that
will safeguard human rights. Recently BBC Radio 4 asked the question
whether ‘tsunami relief funds’ should be conditional
on a demand for political reform. I am not sure whether this is
the right way forward, especially because the people in need are
not those that can implement reforms. Moreover the question of
religious freedom has not been addressed at all. My concern is
that the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), being afraid of accusations
by religious hardliners, is willing to compromise efforts for
the implementation of all human rights. I hope that the people
concerned will realise that this is against the ‘innate
Spirit’ of their Islamic belief. My hope and recommendation
for all the people involved in the reform process in the Maldives
is that despite the difficulties, they take the issue of human
rights including Articles 18 & 19 seriously and work on a
solution based on a global ethic.
Table of Contents
1. |
INTRODUCTION |
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1.1 |
A Study about the Maldives |
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1.2 |
The Question |
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1.3 |
Approach |
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1.4 |
Resources and Previous Work |
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2. |
PRESIDENT GAYOOM’S CONCERNS AND POSITION
ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE MALDIVES |
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2.1 |
Maintaining Independence |
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2.2 |
Foreign Occupation or Interference |
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2.3 |
Religious Extremism & Opposition from within the Maldives |
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2.4 |
President Gayoom’s Response to Accusations of Human
Rights Violations |
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3. |
EVIDENCE OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN THE MALDIVES |
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3.1 |
Introduction |
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3.2 |
Evidence of Denial of Freedom of Thought |
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3.3 |
Evidence of Denial of Freedom of Conscience |
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3.4 |
Evidence of Denial of Freedom of Opinion and Expression |
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3.5 |
Evidence of Denial of Freedom to Change Religion by the
Use of Coercion |
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3.6 |
Evidence of Denial of Freedom to Manifest Religion in Public
or Private |
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3.7 |
Conclusion |
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4. |
CRITIQUE OF PRESIDENT GAYOOM’S POSITION |
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4.1 |
Is the Maldives’ Identity 100% Muslim? |
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4.2 |
Does Islam support the UDHR? |
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5. |
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS – A PERSONAL
PERSPECTIVE |
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5.1 |
Are there Legitimate Limits for the Implementation of Articles
18 & 19 of the UDHR in the Maldives? |
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5.2 |
Discussion about the Validity of a Global Ethic |
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5.3 |
Recommendation for Political Reformers in the Maldives |
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5.4 |
Implications for Christian Missions |
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5.5 |
Plea to Human Rights Agencies |
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